Bulgaria has been facing an uptick in pro-Russian disinformation, just as the country’s pro-Western government is questioning Moscow’s influence – and moves – in the country.
Moldova, less reliant on Russian gas imports: Gazprom loses control over Moldova’s gas transport network, whereas Chișinău authorities say the country’s 700-million-dollar debt to Gazprom is a sham.
The concept of “deukrainization” has been increasingly used to replaced “denazification”, one of the original objectives at the start of the war, and is virtually tantamount to the eradication of Ukrainian identity
Russia uses Wagner mercenaries to undermine the influence of the West in Africa. The latest country that appears to be leaning towards Moscow is the US's main regional partner, Niger.
The slow pace of the counteroffensive accentuates the war weariness of the Ukrainians and their supporters, who expected quick victories. Kyiv, forced to adapt its speech to the realities on the ground.
A brutal stabbing brought into spotlight the Bulgaria’s approach to gender violence. While some took to the streets in protest, others tried to block reforms aimed at protecting women.
Are the antennas on top of the Russian Embassy building used to spy on Moldovan authorities? The Security and Intelligence Service cancelled the agreements with the FSB and SVR, while the Russian Embassy will stop providing consular services
Limiting the prerogatives of the Israeli Supreme Court is interpreted by the opposition as a judicial coup. A kind of Ordinance 13, the Hebrew version.
The Ukrainian media criticizes both the West for its hesitation, as well as Zelenskyy for his failure to carry out the reforms demanded by NATO.
The alliance GERB/We continue the change showed its first cracks, as it’s being pressured by a hostile president, pro-Russian parties and the entry into politics of their main opponent.
Pro-Russian narratives are spreading in the Czech Republic despite Prague’s efforts to stop them. A treaty with the US is their latest target.
Russian-Chinese relations appear to be flourishing. But Beijing is looking for its own interests: it wants to attract the countries of Central Asia into its orbit and could even aim to recover Outer Manchuria.
The Nova Kakhovka dam was destroyed using tactics the West has taught ISIS, the pro-Kremlin media writes, invoking other false narratives promoted in the past, for instance referring to Ukraine’s plans to trigger a genocide of Russian speakers or about the “terrorist” character of the Ukrainian state.
The EPC summit brought, for the first time, the prospect of European integration without the settlement of the Transnistrian conflict. Moscow was also sent the message that Moldova's place was next to the Western democracies.
As Bulgaria seems to finally move away from its years long political stalemate, new lines are drawn in the sand between politicians and the controversial top prosecutor, while the pro-Russians are waiting on the sides.
Maia Sandu has called a pro-European rally, patterned on the Great National Assemblies that culminated in 1991 with the Republic of Moldova proclaiming its independence. The decision was announced in the context where Moscow and pro-Russian forces in Chișinău have ramped up pressure on the pro-European government. It’s a risky bet, which Moldova will win only if the rally enjoys a turnout similar to public gatherings of the 1990s.
Many Ukrainians hope the war will be won thanks to the counteroffensive that is being prepared by their army. Some officials, though, seem to be trying to temper the population's expectations. In the other camp, Russia has launched a series of false counter-offensive narratives, but at the same time appears to be preparing to explain to its people a potential Ukrainian success.
Russia’s aggressiveness in Europe has prompted several countries to renounce their neutrality or to rethink this concept. The question to ask is if the neutrality status is a naïve strand of pacifism or a strategy, which many are now reworking.
Since Petr Pavel took office, the Czech presidency is more transparent and promotes issues such as the protection of the environment and minorities. Externally, Miloš Zeman's openness to Russia and China has been replaced by support for Euro-Atlantic policies and Ukraine. On the other hand, the pro-European government is in an image crisis, and anti-poverty and anti-Ukraine demonstrations continue.
Russia’s ambassador to Bulgaria recently expressed support – a diplomatic faux pas – for the Bulgarian far-right, anti-Western and anti-Ukraine Revival party. Revival came third in the April 2 elections, fifth of its kind in the last two years, and if the current political stalemate continues, it stands a good chance to become a major political force at the next snap election.
The Republic of Moldova needs to reform its justice system and fight corruption if it wants to see the EU accession negotiations started. The government's efforts to carry out a reform, however, are faced with the resistance of judges, who seem willing to block the entire system in order to keep it as it’s been so far.
After Russia attacked Ukraine in 2014, the Russian oligarchs or others close to them continued to make money in Ukraine, where they invested in telephone networks, banks, industry, the energy sector and tourism. Many of these businesses have kept bringing money to the Russians even after the February 2022 full-scale invasion.
Bulgarians are about to vote for the fifth time in two years, and polls suggest that the political stalemate is likely to continue after the elections. Seemingly out of fresh ideas, the political parties are divided along the same lines, liberals against conservatives, pro-Russian vs. pro-European, newcomers vs. the old guard of allegedly corrupt politicians.
One book and a documentary film claiming that Pope John Paul II knew about and covered sexual abuses against children lead to a huge scandal in his native Poland, where the former Pontiff is revered. Conservatives and the far-right scrambled to "defend the good name" of John Paul II and seem poised to use the scandal to their advantage in the upcoming elections.
Prime Minister Viktor Orban finds himself in a complicated situation. Politically, he gets increasingly isolated from its Western partners. Hungary's economy is in crisis, and the European funds that could relaunch it have been blocked due to anti-democratic slippages. With all the friendship that Budapest has shown to Russia, there isn’t much Russia can do to help, being itself increasingly affected by Western sanctions. Orban's solution appears to be to block Finland and Sweden's entry into NATO until the EU unlocks funds for Hungary. However, this blackmail policy may have reached its limits.
From disinformation spread by propaganda regarding the imminence of a war in Transnistria, Russia has now moved to official statements about Ukraine’s plans to invade the separatist region of the Republic of Moldova. Transnistria seems to be used to draw attention away from Russia’s plan to destabilize Moldova, as well as from the defeats sustained in Ukraine. Besides, the pro-Russian opposition in Chișinău could take advantage of the panic induced by the prospect of war.
The first anniversary of the full-scale invasion of Russia provoked a wave of pro-Ukraine marches in Bulgaria, a country traditionally associated with heavy political dependencies from Russia. The pro-Russians stayed mostly out of sight for the one year anniversary of the war, but that does not mean that they went everywhere: Moscow still has its supporters in Bulgaria, both among the politicians and the public.
Putin expected Ukraine to give in quickly, and the West, frightened by the prospect of a gas crisis, divided and unable to make firm decisions, would react rather rhetorically, as it happened with the war in Georgia in 2008, or the initial attack on Ukraine, in 2014. Ukraine resisted, dispelling, at the same time, the myth of the mighty Russian army, and now it only envisions victory. Both camps seem determined to fight until they achieve their goals. The war continues.
Poland positioned itself as one of Ukraine’s main supporters: it allowed its territory to be used for arms deliveries while becoming a major arms supplier in its own right and convinced its NATO allies to support Ukraine even more. In parallel, Warsaw is engaged in a process of strengthening its own army. All this shows that Poland is turning into a key actor for the European security, an actor that is, however, increasingly exposed to the theses of Russian propaganda.
The timespan of the conflict, which exceeded original estimates, the losses sustained so far and daily hardships continue to leave their mark, and many Ukrainians now struggle with war fatigue – even though they are still determined to resist. Russian propaganda has been trying, using its specific mechanisms, to capitalize on this fatigue and on any other problems that are inherent to such a destructive war that seems to be never-ending.
The power shift has so far unfolded without any major incident or scandal, and the key protagonists – the outgoing Prime Minister, Natalia Gavrilița, the Prime Minister designate, Dorin Recean, and president Maia Sandu – said that the change of administration occurs against the backdrop of growing security tensions. There are however signs that the true reasons behind the Cabinet swap have to do with the slow pace of reforms and ruling-party infighting.
Nearly one year after the onset of the Russian invasion in Ukraine, Bulgaria is still undecided on how to integrate the Ukrainian refugees. Activists, however, strive on. Most Ukrainians move on.
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