Thousands of Ukrainians protested in July against a bill passed by the Verkhovna Rada on July 22, which placed the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) and the Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office (SAP) under political control. Members of civic organizations, young activists, journalists, and ordinary citizens gathered in front of the Parliament building and the Presidential Administration to demand an end to a process perceived as a dangerous return to the old pro-Russian practices. The blow to NABU and SAP—two institutions created with EU support—was seen as a betrayal of Ukraine's European journey after Euromaidan.
The fact that these protests took place in a country at war, under martial law, gives them particular importance: they express a collective refusal to accept the endangering of a fundamental reform. The European Commission has consistently emphasized in its monitoring reports that the independence of anti-corruption structures is a prerequisite for Ukraine's accession to the EU. Brussels has criticized the adoption of the bill. Faced with double pressure, both internal and external, the Zelensky administration was forced to back down, and on July 22, the Rada adopted a new bill restoring the independence of the two institutions.
Corruption, a scourge that no Ukrainian government has managed to eliminate
Since the proclamation of the country’s independence, corruption has been one of Ukraine's major problems. On the one hand, the country faces the so-called "petty" corruption, which has a daily impact on citizens. Although less visible to international partners, this form of corruption, which is also found in other Eastern European countries, fuels mistrust in reforms and Euroscepticism. On the other hand, there is also the "big" corruption, involving complex schemes for embezzling public funds, large sums of money, and prominent figures in politics or business; this type of corruption sometimes triggers media scandals.
Regime changes and the periodic rise to power of pro-European parties, repeated attempts at reform, and public scandals have failed to put an end to corruption in Ukraine, which continues to persist even amid the war with Russia.
1. "Petty" corruption: bribes and "gifts" for customs officers, doctors, teachers, and civil servants
Everyday corruption does not make the front pages of the international press, but its effects are just as destructive as major scandals. It stifles civic initiative and fuels the dangerous belief that without bribes, you cannot get even the simplest things done — from a doctor's prescription to enrolling your child in kindergarten.
According to Ukrainska Pravda, 91% of Ukrainians consider corruption to be a serious problem, and two-thirds believe that the phenomenon has worsened over the past year. The difference between personal experience and public perception is fueled, according to surveys, by the strong presence of corruption cases in the media and on social networks, where emotional content dominates.
However, there are also positive signs. More and more Ukrainians are taking a zero-tolerance stance toward corruption—more than half openly condemn it, and three-quarters support those who report it. Although reforms are yielding modest results, progress is visible. Corruption in healthcare, for example, has been cut in half over the past decade. Still, expectations remain high: public opinion demands not only investigations, but also convictions in court.
Ukrainian customs, a perpetual source of corruption
Investigative journalists have repeatedly documented how, for example, Ukrainian customs inspectors demand bribes from citizens. In a wide-ranging investigation, the Kyiv-based publication Telegraf shows that Ukrainian customs continues to be one of the main sources of fuel for the underground economy, generating annual losses estimated at between 8-11 billion euro.
Common schemes include underestimating the customs value, weight and quantity of goods, and changing the characteristics of imported products. Despite numerous reforms, the system remains deeply corrupt, due to the widespread involvement of customs officials, law enforcement and even some ministry officials. This situation not only deprives the state budget of substantial revenue, but also creates a number of unfair advantages for certain companies or citizens.
Health and education: sensitive sectors
Petty corruption is also present in areas such as health and education. Although several reforms have been carried out, in practice many patients in Ukraine continue to give "a little something" to doctors or teachers: from flowers or chocolates to large sums of cash. The Ukrainian press has written in recent years about how some higher education institutions charge unofficial exam fees.
In some regional hospitals, surgeries that should be covered by the budget end up costing thousands of euros "in envelope". This is particularly problematic in the context of war, when the medical system is overstretched and resources are limited. Patients are forced to choose between paying "extra" for urgent medical services or waiting in poor conditions.
Red tape and "gratitude"
The "petty" corruption in the system of obtaining business licenses, registering land or issuing documents should also be mentioned, as this has become a system of "showing gratitude". According to a 2024 poll , Ukrainians complain most often about corruption in the field of land registration and building permits, where bribes are often demanded directly by officials.
This form of corruption particularly affects small and medium-sized entrepreneurs who lack access to complex networks of influence. In the context of post-war reconstruction, this problem becomes even more acute as it risks blocking investment and slowing economic recovery.
2. The “big” corruption and the skeletons in the Ukrainian state closet
Ukraine has been rocked in recent years by a series of corruption scandals that have shown how fragile is the balance between the rule of law and old networks of influence: from rigged tenders in the national defense to bribery in the supreme court. Although institutions such as the NABU and SAP have been set up to fight high-level corruption, the reality on the ground shows slow progress, frequently blocked by political influence and lack of real convictions.
The “Ukroboronprom” scandal: corruption in the defense industry
One of the most notorious corruption cases remains the "Ukroboronprom" (state arms manufacturer) scandal of 2019. At the height of the election campaign, Bihus.Info journalists exposed networks through which people close to the political leadership were supplying counterfeit military parts at inflated prices.
The scheme entailed the smuggling of Russian military equipment parts sold at inflated prices to the state-owned company Ukroboronprom. Although the investigation had a huge impact, leading to the public condemnation of former President Petro Poroshenko's entourage, most of those implicated have not been held legally accountable, illustrating the systemic problems in the Ukrainian justice system.
"Real estate mafia" in the Kyiv region
Between 2021 and 2023, the case of the “real estate mafia” in the Kyiv region came to light, involving the former mayor of Irpin and the capital's chief architect. According to NABU, millions of hryvnias in illegal commissions were uncovered, but the cases got stuck in court.
For three years, companies close to Volodymyr Karpliuk, the former mayor of Irpin in the Kyiv region, had been awarded contracts worth some 40-44 million dollars to rebuild war-hit Borodianka. Among the beneficiaries were companies run by former party colleagues and close associates of the former mayor, some of them previously embroiled in scandals, including the awarding of public funds to companies owned by deceased persons.
The case is all the more outrageous as the funds were earmarked for the reconstruction of areas devastated by conflict, and their misappropriation is seriously delaying the recovery of affected communities.
3. Wartime corruption
Ukrainian society has mobilized to face Russia's large-scale aggression, while accepting that war means sacrifices for everyone. Beyond those who went to fight on the front lines or formed the support network for the war effort, the millions of citizens who were exposed to bombing or spent winters in the cold and darkness because the Russians had bombed infrastructure had to adapt to the conflict. Many also understood that they had to accept economic and financial constraints. But this has not put an end to the desire of some officials and businesspeople to get rich by all means.
Corruption in the Defense Ministry during the war
In the midst of the war, in 2023, NABU uncovered cases of high corruption in the Defense Ministry. According to Ukrainian detectives, evidence of overpriced purchases for the military was found. For example, the prices of purchased potatoes and eggs were 5-6 times higher than market prices.
Although some officials resigned, no real convictions followed. Deputy Defense Minister Vyacheslav Sapov was dismissed following the allegations. There have also been investigations into overpriced purchases of military equipment. These practices are particularly serious at a time when soldiers on the front line need quality equipment and food to carry out their mission.
The Supreme Court scandal
A major corruption scandal broke out in Ukraine in 2023, when Supreme Court President Vsevolod Kniazev was caught red-handed receiving a 2.7 million-dollar bribe for a favorable decision in favor of billionaire Kostiantin Jevago.
The corruption scheme involved several protagonists. In addition to Kniazev and Jevago (owner of the Ferrexpo mining group, with a 1.4 billion dollar fortune), a law firm, which brokered the deal, and a "criminal group" of Supreme Court judges were involved. Jevago wired 2.7 million dollars to its lawyers, of which 1.8 million was to go to the Supreme Court justices, and the remaining 900,000 to the lawyers for "brokering services". The goal was to obtain a favorable ruling to retain control of the shares of a mining company in dispute.
The case has shocked the public by the scale of the sum involved and the fact that it reached the highest level of the judiciary, undermining confidence in the independence of the justice system.
Corruption in military medicine
The chief psychiatrist of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, Oleg Druz, has also found himself at the center of a high-profile corruption scandal after an investigation published by TSN . Ukrainian journalists established that since the outbreak of the full-scale war, the doctor has amassed significant assets - millions of dollars worth of property, elite real estate and a BMW fleet of cars, registered in the names of his wife, children or friends.
Despite numerous suspicions of abuse of office, Druz continued to hold a key position in the military medical system, raising serious questions about the effectiveness of anti-corruption control in the defense sector. He was also caught red-handed in 2017 receiving money, but continued to hold a position in the national military medical system. In 2025, the doctor was caught again taking the sum of about 10,000 dollars to issue mobilization exemption documents.
More major scandals amid government reshuffle
In 2024, the state company Centrenergo was at the center of a corruption scandal related to the sale of coal and electricity at undervalued prices through fictitious companies. Tens of millions of euros earmarked for the reconstruction of the strategic Zmiivska and Trypilska thermoelectric power plants, which are very important in the context of the daily bombardments of Ukraine's energy infrastructure, were embezzled.
In 2023, the company "Avtomahistral-Pivden" was at the center of a major corruption scandal related to the construction of a water pipeline to Krivoi Rog after the destruction of the Kahovka dam. According to the investigation, the company implemented a complex scheme to misappropriate public funds by artificially increasing the price of polyethylene pipes almost twice. The contract was awarded without a public tender, and the company received up to 90% of the amount as an advance payment.
Between 2023 and 2024, following corruption scandals revealed either through media inquiries or NABU interventions, several high-ranking officials were dismissed, including five regional governors and four deputy ministers - including in the fields of defense, social policy and territorial development. One of the governors was accused of awarding road repair contracts worth tens of millions of Euros to a company founded by his girlfriend.
All these cases have one thing in common: repeated postponements of trials, pressure on investigators and a culture of impunity that persists at the highest level of the state. Until the judiciary becomes truly independent, high-level corruption will remain a chronic problem of the Ukrainian state.
Ukrainians have sacrificed too much for European integration to miss out because of corruption
The wartime protests of July 2025 are not an isolated episode of social discontent, but the expression of a deep internal conflict: the confrontation between the old culture of impunity and society's genuine aspiration for the rule of law. At stake in these protests was not just the defense of institutions such as NABU or SAP, but the confirmation of Ukraine's European direction in the post-Maidan period.
The Ukrainian paradox is becoming increasingly apparent: while the country is struggling with a brutal external aggression, it risks losing on the domestic front because of systemic corruption. The war has not suspended corrupt practices - on the contrary, in many cases, it has given them a new context in which to manifest themselves, with huge reconstruction budgets, rushed procurement procedures and institutional overstretch that has created legal loopholes.
The public anger manifested in July 2025 comes, in fact, from the build-up of collective frustration at the slow pace of reform and the lack of real punishment in major corruption cases. In the eyes of the public, the sacrifices on the frontlines - loss of life, destruction, suffering - are deeply incompatible with the image of corrupt officials emptying reconstruction or defense funds.
The protests have reactivated an active core of civil society and reminded that European integration is not just about documents and diplomatic negotiations, but about a clear break with the corrupt and clientelist past. In this sense, the fight against corruption is no longer a "luxury whim" reserved for times of peace, but a condition for the survival of the Ukrainian state.
It is worth recalling in this context that Maidan was triggered precisely by the desire for European integration, after the Yanukovych regime, under pressure from Russia, refused to sign the EU Association Agreement. The protest ended with Yanukovych fleeing the country and the pro-Europeans coming to power, and that was the moment when Putin decided to invade Ukraine, initially in Crimea and Donbas.
