Russia’s economy is not doing as well as the Kremlin would like you to believe

Russian President Vladimir Putin speaks to the media after attending a plenary session of the 16th VTB Investment Forum 'Russia Calling!' in Moscow, Russia, 02 December 2025.
© EPA/SERGEI ILNITSKY   |   Russian President Vladimir Putin speaks to the media after attending a plenary session of the 16th VTB Investment Forum 'Russia Calling!' in Moscow, Russia, 02 December 2025.

Despite headline growth and claims of wartime stability, Russia’s post-invasion economy is undergoing its largest redistribution of wealth since the 1990s. Behind the façade of resilience lies a system increasingly driven by asset seizures, political loyalty, and the enrichment of a new elite. As the state absorbs foreign and domestic businesses alike, what emerges is less a recovery than a neo-feudal order — one that may secure short-term control but erodes the foundations of long-term economic stability.

The Russian economy has proved surprisingly durable under sanctions and war. After a modest 1.4% GDP contraction in 2022, Russia’s economy grew over 4% annually in 2023–2024 – far above expectations. This resilience reflects wartime demand (especially defense spending), high commodity prices, and huge state intervention.

In 2025 growth has sharply slowed (1.1% in Q2 vs 1.4% in Q1) while inflation remains above 7%, double the central bank’s 4% target. This stagflationary mix – low growth, high inflation – means the economy’s strength may be illusory, built on unsustainable war spending and reserve drawdowns.

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“The biggest reallocation of assets in thirty years”

To understand today’s Russian economy, one must look beyond official growth figures and inflation rates to the silent but decisive reshaping of property relations underway. Since the invasion of Ukraine, ownership itself has become a political instrument. This process, largely hidden behind legal language and bureaucratic formalities, is redefining who holds real economic power in Russia. What follows illustrates how this new ownership order has taken shape: through the seizure of foreign assets, the targeting of domestic businesses, and the emergence of a new class of regime insiders.

  • Foreign assets expropriated. As dozens of Western companies fled or were expelled, their Russian operations were seized or sold for token amounts. For example, Renault’s Moscow auto plant was transferred to a new owner for just 1 rouble. A Reuters report confirms roughly 3.9 trillion rubles (≈$50 billion) worth of assets were reallocated over 2022–25. Over 1,000 foreign firms have exited Russia since the invasion by selling, handing over control to locals, or abandoning assets. Many such sales were at steep discounts or under threat of nationalisation: law firms note foreign owners often received only ~5% of true value (after forced “discounts” and taxes) when they left. In sum, Russia’s recent economic evolution has been accompanied by massive state-led asset grabs and re-privatisations of once-globalized industries. To accelerate and simplify this process, new legal mechanisms have been introduced that allow the president to directly determine the fate of key assets. Under a 2025 decree, the President can authorize the transfer or privatization of state or seized property through fast-track procedures, effectively bypassing standard judicial or market oversight.
  • Targeting of disloyal domestic business. The Kremlin has also turned inward, targeting Russian firms and owners viewed as politically disloyal or those who have lost patronage among high-ranking officials. Prosecutors have launched lawsuits to transfer domestic assets into state hands, charging that owners did not invest in Russia, invested abroad, or engaged in corruption. This wave of asset redistribution has spanned a wide range of sectors — beginning with industries adjacent to the defense complex but extending far beyond it. Companies in agriculture, transport, and construction have also come under pressure as ownership structures are reshuffled to align with new political loyalties. The high-profile arrest and sentencing of former Deputy Defense Minister Timur Ivanov in mid-2025 illustrates how the crackdown on senior officials often exposes and destabilizes entire business networks that once thrived under their protection.
  • Targeting “neutral” businesses — companies that cannot be explicitly labeled disloyal yet increasingly face investigations leading to the transfer of assets to the state. These firms are not necessarily in conflict with the regime or deprived of political protection, but they are drawn into a widening wave of prosecutions over alleged violations, corruption, or questionable privatizations, after which their property is swiftly nationalized. This emerging mechanism differs from direct expropriation: under the guise of anti-corruption and legal enforcement, it often serves practical business purposes — eliminating competitors, redistributing markets, or expanding influence for favored players. In other words, criminal proceedings and regulatory pressure have become tools of market competition as much as instruments of political control.

Combined, these trends represent the largest wealth redistribution in Russia’s modern history. Carnegie analysts describe it as the biggest reallocation of assets in three decades, explicitly designed to reward loyalty. In practical terms, almost every sector has faced seizures — from transport (major airports like Domodedovo were nationalized) to heavy industry, agriculture, energy, technology, and even real estate, such as the Four Seasons Hotel on Red Square. Assets can now be seized from former officials living abroad, from owners suspected of dissent, or under broadly interpreted national security clauses covering “strategic” industries. The Prosecutor General’s Office has become the main vehicle for this campaign, using courts to annul past privatizations and transfer ownership with striking speed. Even the head of state-owned Sberbank, German Gref, has publicly warned that the erosion of property rights is undermining economic stability. Notably, such risks are no longer limited to peripheral players: prosecutors have recently raised claims against businesses linked to figures close to the prime minister. Although he appears to have shielded his allies, the episode illustrates that the wave of asset redistribution is now reaching circles near the very top of Russia’s political hierarchy.

In June 2025, a Moscow court transferred Domodedovo Airport (Russia’s third-busiest) into state ownership. This followed legal bids earlier in the year to seize other strategic assets. Prosecutors asserted such moves were urgent for national security and loyalty: by March 2025, they announced courts had handed 2.4 trillion rubles ($29 billion) of assets to the state, including five “strategic” enterprises (four of them previously foreign-held). These included grain traders, ports, and defense-related plants. The veneer of legality – indictments of corruption or vague “illegal privatization” claims – often belies political motives: one study notes these transfers serve mainly the immediate financial interests of managers and their patrons, not economic growth. Many new owners lack incentives (and often means) to invest long-term. For example, Chinese automakers have flooded the market by repurposing Western car factories (Volkswagen, Mercedes, Mazda, etc.) , but localization remains weak – Chinese-brand cars now have only ~33% Russian parts on average. In contrast to profitable joint ventures with European firms in the past, Russia’s pivot to China is more parasitic, as Beijing’s companies take market share without committing to build up Russia’s own industry.

Yet this redistribution wave has largely avoided Russia’s entrenched oligarchs — both those who built their empires during the 1990s privatizations and those who prospered under Putin’s system. Their core assets remain untouched. The only notable exception is Oleg Tinkov, the outspoken billionaire who lost his bank and was effectively forced to leave the country after criticizing the war.

Outlook – Consolidation or Dysfunction?

The upshot is a paradox. On one hand, the Kremlin’s re‑allocation of property consolidates political control. Rewarding allies and quashing disloyalty reinforces the regime in the short term. Yet from an economic perspective, it may deepen Russia’s malaise. Nationalisation and tight controls have already weakened performance, according to analysts: state-owned entities are typically far less efficient than private firms. Many new owners treat assets as short-term cash cows rather than investments, since they feel no secure ownership. Illegal unpredictability deters capital: as the central bank governor recently noted, forced share seizures erode the trust needed to attract investment. In effect, Russia’s economy is being run for the benefit of insiders, turning businesses into “hostages” rather than engines of growth.

Whether this restructuring ultimately strengthens Russia’s political model or sows its undoing is uncertain. In the short term, resource-rich allies and security agencies gain, shoring up the regime’s loyalty network. But the broader economy risks sclerosis. By sinking capital into militarized production and preferring politically connected owners over efficiency, Russia may compound its stagnation. Critics warn that when Putin leaves the stage, the tangled web of untransparent ownership could trigger chaos, lawsuits, and capital flight. For now, Russia presents the facade of a “fortress economy” – intact and growing – yet under the surface a massive, politically-driven wealth transfer is underway.

A curious feature of this process is that the seized assets are not always passed immediately to new loyal owners but often remain under temporary state control, creating a vacuum of property rights. The state, burdened with managing an expanding portfolio of enterprises, is unlikely to operate them as effectively as previous private owners, leading to further inefficiency and stagnation. Moreover, among those who do acquire new property, there are few genuinely new players: the same entrenched elites merely expand their holdings, tightening control rather than renewing it. This raises doubts about the long-term outcome of consolidation, suggesting that much of it may be temporary and oriented toward resale or profit extraction rather than stable development — and that the circle of real beneficiaries of Russia’s property reshuffling remains remarkably narrow.

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