The measures the EU is preparing to protect its internal market from Chinese trade practices could affect China’s investments in Hungary, which would put Péter Magyar's government in difficulty.
Péter Magyar's government is made up of a mix of independent experts, critics of Viktor Orbán, and former collaborators. The criterion that mattered most in choosing ministers seems to have been competence, which is a change from the Orbán era, when political connections and loyalty to the boss mattered.
Viktor Orbán is a die-hard football fan, and the game even has a place in his political philosophy. He built the stadium that will host the Champions League final, but on the night of the final, the place of honor will go to his successor, Peter Magyar. The story can also be seen as a parable for what is happening these days with Hungary and the system built by Orbán.
The events – and even the images – of recent days in Budapest are reminiscent of a Martin Scorsese film. A man from of a new generation, Péter Magyar, has overthrown the “old wolf” Viktor Orbán and promises to tear down the corrupt system he built, without, however, renouncing the right-wing ideology of his former boss.
Viktor Orbán and his Fidesz party resorted to false narratives, an army of bots (some previously used in the Romanian elections), artificial intelligence programs and cloned websites in their election campaign. All with a little help from their [Russian] friends.
Viktor Orbán has channelled significant funds to Hungarians in Romania and in turn they have voted massively for Fidesz, while UDMR has aligned itself with Budapest's policies. A victory for Péter Magyar in the elections could lead to cracks in the machinery built by Orbán in Transylvania.
Hungarian communism was tolerated because it offered people security and a few small freedoms. This gave rise to a mentality in which it is better to opt for what is familiar and tolerable than to risk something that could be worse. Channeling this instinct sits at the core of Viktor Orbán's election campaign.
Viktor Orbán’s policy of doing business with Russia and China, and turning Hungary into a beacon of “illiberal democracies”, alienated the country’s EU partners and that came with an economic cost. Orbán’s main rival Péter Magyar shares some of Orbán’s views, but he promises to make amends with Brussels.
Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán claims Ukraine is meddling in Hungary’s election campaign. The claim is not notable because it is proven, but because it can be deployed without proof and still do political work.
Viktor Orban's party is facing its biggest challenge since it took power in 2010, having been overtaken in the polls by Peter Magyar’s TISZA party. Magyar was an insider of Fidesz power circle and has known how to neutralize the kind of discourse that Orban's success has relied on in the past.
Viktor Orban’s domestic “pro-family” policies made him a champion for the conservatives engaged in the so-called “culture wars”.
Boris Johnson and Viktor Orban share a way of doing politics: they’re both populists craving for the spotlight, ready to exploit in their favour the divisions of their respective societies. They also share an irreverence for the European Union. Johnson was one of the leading figures of the Leave camp, while Orban became a nuisance for Brussels as he kept on defying, time and again, the EU values and policies. The two seem to use the same recipe to consolidate their grip on power, so it only makes sense that their respective oppositions may eventually take similar paths.
Hungary’s plans to become a hub for eastern superpowers were widely mocked after Viktor Orban’s government’s “Eastern Wind” policy had to be renamed “Eastern Opening” after a party official noted that an eastern wind blows things everywhere except to the east. That hilarity turned to anger, however, when it emerged that China plans to build its first ever European university on the banks of the Danube by way of a EUR 1.5bn construction project that will be funded by Hungarian taxpayers.
After years of sparring with Brussels over his rule of law approach, which led to increased isolation for his Fidesz party, Hungary’s Viktor Orban decided to strike back by forging an alliance with Poland’s Law and Justice Party and Italy’s Lega. The plan was to start by setting-up a new party bloc within the European Parliament. However, this may prove to be easier said than done.
Facing political losses at home and in Europe, Viktor Orban also has to handle a devastating third wave of the Covid-19 pandemic. The Hungarian Prime Minister has chosen to turn to Russia and China for help, two countries he has been entreating of late.
