In early 2025, Georgia’s ruling party, Georgian Dream, led by billionaire Bidzina Ivanishvili, initiated the creation of a parliamentary investigative commission. Its official purpose was to investigate the actions of the previous government led by the United National Movement (UNM) from 2003 to 2012.
However, many observers and opposition representatives express serious concerns about the real motives behind this initiative. Critics claim that under the pretext of fighting the former regime, the ruling party seeks to suppress the opposition, rewrite history to suit its own narrative, and promote pro-Russian messaging.
Of particular concern is the commission’s focus on the events of August 2008, when a military conflict broke out between Georgia and Russia. Some believe the investigation aims to shift responsibility for starting the war onto Georgia, aligning with Kremlin interests.
The move comes amid a sharp deterioration in the government's relations with Georgia's Western partners. Negotiations on joining the European Union have been suspended, as has the strategic partnership with the United States, which has also imposed sanctions on political figures in Tbilisi. The most recent signal of hostility towards Washington was given in late May, when oligarch Ivanishvili refused to meet with the American ambassador to Georgia.
The “Georgian Nuremberg” for Saakashvili’s party
The Georgian Dream party announced the formation of the special investigative commission in January of this year. The commission was created in line with a campaign promise by party founder Bidzina Ivanishvili. Speaking to supporters in Gori before the 2024 parliamentary elections, Ivanishvili said Georgia must “find the strength” to apologize to the Ossetian people for the 2008 war. He also declared that the previous government led by Mikheil Saakashvili would face a “Georgian Nuremberg.”
Although the commission’s stated goal is to study the "bloody regime" of the UNM between 2003 and 2012, the primary focus has shifted to the events in occupied territories from 2004 to 2007 and the August 2008 war.
The commission is expected to operate for six months and present a report to parliament during the first week of its September session. Based on the report, recommendations for legal and political measures against those deemed responsible will be proposed in line with the Georgian constitution.
The commission officially began its work on February 5. It is chaired by Vice Speaker of Parliament and former Minister of Justice Tea Tsulukiani, with Sozar Subari of the People's Power party (a satellite of the Georgian Dream) as secretary. The commission consists of eight MPs: five from the Georgian Dream and three from nominally opposition parties loyal to the government.
In March, the parliament expanded the commission’s powers: it was granted authority to request investigations at any point, initiate administrative and disciplinary proceedings, and reclaim state property held illegally.
Since the end of March, people who directly participated in the events until 2008 and made key decisions on the battlefield were questioned. Since then, the Commissions held a little less than 20 hearings, questioning some 55 people. The commission focused on the analysis of circumstances that led to an armed conflict with Russia, and on the actions of the Georgian leadership during that period.
For its first hearings, the commission summoned Paata Davitaia, who headed the first parliamentary commission to investigate events in the occupied territories, Tamaz Bestayev, the head of the health and social support of the South Ossetia administration in exile, Mikhail Kareli, ex-governor of the Shida-Cartley region, Zurab Nogaideli, the former Prime Minister and Grigol Vashadze, ex-Minister of Foreign Affairs. Their testimony became the basis for further analysis of events.
At the second round of hearings, the commission wanted to hear from officers and commanders who directly led combat operations. Among them were Lasha Koiava, the ex-head of the Medical Department of the ground forces, Shalva Dzhanashvili, the former deputy head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs Vano Merabishvili, General Zaza Gogava, the ex-head of the United Staff of the Armed Forces, and General Mamuka Kurashvili, ex-head of the staff of peacekeeping operations. The hearings lasted for several hours.
At the third day of interrogations, Giorgi Khaindrava, a former state minister for conflict settlement, and his deputy Gia Volsky appeared to the commission.
The testimonies of the witnesses supported two main point of views: some argued that civilians were left to their fate due to the “insanity” of ex-president Mikhail Saakashvili, supporting the position of the “Georgian Dream”, others insisted that the war was planned in advance by Russia.
Members of the commission, led by Tea Tsulukiani, consider one of the main crimes of the former government that it did not warn the population about the threats and did not provide evacuation, which led to human victims.
They also claimed that they want to find out whether the actions of Saakashvili were the result of his personal “madness” or if he followed the instructions of “external forces” – that is, if the conflict was provoked from outside, a narrative that has been increasingly used by the leaders of the “Georgian Dream” as part of a larger narrative claiming the existence of a “deep state”, which is supposedly trying to intervene in the domestic policy of Georgia.
Former Prime Minister Zurab Nogaideli rejected the foreign interference narrative, testifying that he was never told by foreign officials that Georgia should go to war.
The ex -head of the Foreign Ministry Grigol Vashadze, who was present at the last meeting of the presidents Mikhail Saakashvili and Vladimir Putin in February 2008, said that the war was planned in advance by Russia. He quoted Putin's words:
“We will adequately respond to the recognition of the independence of Kosovo at your expense. This is not your fault. This is the fault of your geography. Russian citizens, and especially those who live in the North Caucasus, demand this, and we cannot ignore this requirement. "
The Commission was denounced both inside and outside of Georgia. The authorities respond harshly
Not all the opposition politicians agreed to appear at the hearings, as many regard the commission as illegitimate. The government retaliated swiftly, as the prosecutor's office began an investigation on their refusal, threatening them with up to one year in prison.
One of the first arrested was Zurab Japaridze, the leader of the Girchi party. He refused to appear before the commission, calling it “farce” and “a tool for lies of the current regime”. The court set up for him a bail in the amount of 20,000 Lari, which he refused to pay, saying that he did not recognize the legitimacy of the commission and the parliament. As a result, on May 22, Japaridze was arrested right in the courtroom.
Earlier, on May 14, a similar decision was made in relation to the ex-Minister of Defense Irakli Okruashvili, who also refused to appear before the commission and pay bail. He was arrested in the courtroom.
In addition, the leaders of the Lelo Party for Georgia Mamuka Khazaradze and Badri Japaridze also refused to appear at the meeting of the commission. They were assigned pledges in the amount of 50,000 Lari each that they paid, but their actions are also considered as a violation of the law.
15 authoritative non -governmental organizations reacted to the arrests of politicians by issuing a joint statement. In their opinion, the Georgian Dream is trying to suppress protests on the country, forcefully achieve the legitimacy of the parliament and eliminate the democratic pro -Western opposition politicians. The NGOs called for international organizations to strictly assess the situation, and the OSCE/BDIPC – monitor criminal processes over political prisoners:
The creation of the investigative commission caused a wave of criticism both within the country and beyond. The fifth president of Georgia, Salome Zourabishvili, said that the ruling party began a new wave of political repression, and the commission was created not to establish the truth, but to persecute opposition politicians.
Participants in the 2008 war reacted as well, displaying their outrage that Georgians are helping Russia place the blame of the war on Georgia. One such reaction came from Major Malkhaz Kikabidze:
“To blame Georgia of provoking the 2008 war is betrayal. This is openly hostile to the Georgian army. The army is a guarantor of the sovereignty and independence of Georgia, and in 2008 it did not allow Russia to dispel the Russian flag over Tbilisi. I am amazed at the silence of those high -ranking officials who personally participated in the fight against enemies.”
The international community also expressed concern. The International Democratic Union (IDU) called on democratic governments to immediately impose sanctions against Bidzina Ivanishvili and his entourage, as well as to terminate financial cooperation with the government of the Georgian Dream before the new parliamentary elections. The IDU resolution indicates the need for immediate termination of all repressive laws and the termination of the use of terror against own citizens, civil society organizations, independent media and political opponents.
The opposition believes that the main goal of the commission is the ban on opposition parties
According to many analysts, the true goal of creating an investigative commission is to prepare a legal framework for the ban on opposition parties. This hypothesis was apparently confirmed by the executive secretary of the “Georgian Dream”, Mamuka Mdinaradze, who said that the ruling party intends to appeal to the Constitutional Court with a request to deem the “United National Movement” an unconstitutional organization. He noted that the conclusion of the Provisional Investigative Commission of the Parliament will give a strong basis for such an appeal.
Such a move would automatically ban the party from participating in the fall 2025 local elections.
In addition, Mdinaradze also stated that from the very beginning of the work of the investigative commission it became obvious that “authors and accomplices of unheard of crimes of the past” should leave politics.
It should be noted that in March 2025 the parliament adopted amendments that simplify the process of deeming political parties unconstitutional. This caused fears that the ruling party could use these changes to eliminate political opponents before the elections.
It is important to understand that by the “national movement” “Georgian Dream” implies not only one party. In his election performances, Bidzina Ivanishvili used the term “collective national movement ”. According to the logic of the “Georgian Dream”, it includes the entire opposition, and possibly non -governmental organizations, and critical media as well.
The Georgian Dream is increasingly embracing the theses of Russian propaganda
Many experts argue that the current actions of the Georgian Dream contribute to the promotion of pro-Russian narratives and the weakening of the pro-European course of Georgia. For instance, Georgian Dream officials are increasingly using typical Russian propaganda terminology like “the global party of war”, or the interference of Western powers in the country’s internal affairs – and all this comes against the background of deteriorating relationships between Tbilisi and both the EU and the US.
The narrative that the “United National Movement” unleashed the war in August 2008 aligns perfectly with Russia’s official position. The Political Council of the Georgian Dream had already issued a statement that the 2008 war was the culmination of the repeated attempts of the UNM Administration, supported by its Western patrons, to "bring Russian troops to Georgia."
Just like Russia, the Georgian Dream quotes the conclusion of the Taliavini commission – the first international commission, created in 2008 to investigate the war, as well as to determine the responsibility of the parties – that the “armed conflict began with the bombing […] by the Armed Forces of Georgia”. However, the full quote leads to a different conclusion, that is more in line with Georgia’s official position at the time, that it was forced to take defensive actions in the face of mounting Russian aggression:
“The large -scale armed conflict began with the bombing of G. Tskhinvali on the night of August 7 to 8 by the Armed Forces of Georgia. <...>. But, this was the culmination of increasing tension, provocations and incidents, which were carried out for a long period. ”
Critics note that the emphasis of the commission on charges of the former Georgian leadership of provoking a war can divert attention from the role of Russia in the escalation of the conflict and the subsequent occupation of Georgian territories. The war veterans of 2008 and representatives of civil society express concern that the actions of the commission can be perceived as a betrayal of the interests of the country and its defenders. They emphasize that a revision of history in favor of justifying the actions of the aggressor is damaging to the national unity and an offence of the memory of those who gave their lives for the independence of Georgia.
