For four months, Georgians have been protesting daily against the abandonment of the European path by a government seen as pro-Russian. The increasingly harsh response of the authorities has failed to deter the protesters.
New forms of protest designed to limit police brutality
The demonstrations were triggered after the ruling Georgian Dream party decided to “suspend” EU accession negotiations until 2028. For many Georgians, the decision was a final confirmation of the country’s deviation from the pro-Western path and its rapprochement with Russia.
From pensioners to students, and from cultural figures to football fans, people of all ages, genders, and social statuses joined the protests.
After representatives of the Ministry of Internal Affairs began using disproportionate force against protesters and deploying special equipment to disperse rallies, demonstrators started looking for new forms to express their discontent. One such solution was organizing marches. Since the procession was expected to be in motion, this reduced the risk of special equipment being used by law enforcement. Separate marches began to be held by representatives of various social and ethnic groups: teachers, doctors, actors, climbers, musicians, national minorities, and even residents of specific regions of the country.
The protesters’ creativity went beyond organizing marches. For example, during the inauguration of Georgia’s new president — former footballer Mikheil Kavelashvili, appointed by the “Georgian Dream” government — protesters decided to emphasize that the politician does not have a higher education. In the square in front of the parliament building, people brought their university diplomas and demonstratively played football, calling on Kavelashvili to come out to them. They also held up red cards.
On the 49th day of protest, demonstrators resorted to an unprecedented measure – a general warning strike. More than 400 companies participated in the action, announcing a temporary suspension of work for several hours. Participants included representatives from a wide variety of sectors and professions, from grocery stores and beauty salons to bank employees.
And on the 67th day of the protests, demonstrators blocked vehicular traffic near a large shopping center at the entrance to Tbilisi. Georgian protesters decided to repeat this experience following Serbian activists, who, as a result of a 24-hour blockade of a key Belgrade highway, succeeded in getting the prime minister to resign.
The action in Tbilisi was marked by an unprecedented mobilization of security forces, arrests of activists and opposition politicians, and beatings of detainees.
One of the main differences of the current protests in Georgia from previous ones is the absence of a clear leader. The majority of protesters gather spontaneously, and their actions are discussed and coordinated on social media. Opposition parties are not the organizers but merely join the demonstrations like other participants. Leaders and members of opposition blocs are often detained and beaten on par with other protesters.
Students play a huge role in organizing the protests. They organize marches, actively participate in actions, and organize strikes. In January, students from eight Georgian universities announced strikes and began spending the night in university buildings.
The Georgian Dream is stiffening legislation in order to discourage protests
Meanwhile, gathering for protest rallies in Georgia is becoming increasingly difficult. The Georgian Dream has turned on a “crazy printer” that prints one repressive law after another.
The first broad package of repressive laws was adopted in late December. Sanctions were introduced for the use of pyrotechnics, laser devices, and balaclavas during protests.
This year, the Georgian Dream decided to further tighten the legislation regarding demonstrators. On February 6, the parliament, in an expedited manner, adopted repressive amendments to Georgia’s administrative and criminal codes.
According to the new changes, the period of administrative detention during public gatherings increased from 15 to 60 days. A ban was introduced on blocking highways, bridges, tunnels, overpasses, transport hubs, and railway tracks. In addition, verbal insults against a public political official or civil servant related to their work are now considered administrative offenses, subject to severe punishment. For violating the new rules, a fine of 5,000 lari (around $1,800) or administrative detention for up to 15 days is now imposed. If one of the protest organizers violates the law, the fine increases to 15,000 lari (approximately $5,000), and the administrative detention for up to 20 days.
Many experts note that the amendments introduced by “Georgian Dream” to Georgia’s criminal and administrative codes are even harsher than those previously adopted in Russia and Belarus.
The non-governmental organization Transparency International Georgia (TI — Georgia) called the legislative changes “an attack on citizens’ inalienable rights”. TI emphasizes that many of the new measures replicate “strategies of autocratic and dictatorial regimes.”
Since the beginning of pro-European rallies in Georgia, police have detained several hundred protesters. More than 50 people are under criminal investigation. They are considered political prisoners in Georgia, and their release is demanded daily. Among those detained under such charges are actors, public figures, and protest organizers. Journalist and media manager Mzia Amaglobeli is imprisoned on charges of violence against a police officer. She became the only woman in the country held under a criminal case arising from the protests.
In addition, according to the Georgian Young Lawyers’ Association, since November 2024 the total amount of fines issued to protesters has exceeded two million lari. The media provides daily updates about new fines slapped on protesters. Some report receiving several sanction notices in a single day. According to amendments to the administrative code, fines can now be issued not by a court but directly by police officers, who come to protesters’ homes late at night or early in the morning.
Human rights advocates insist: the unjustified application of sanctions in the form of “disproportionately high fines” constitutes a form of repression. They call such measures anti-democratic and aimed at suppressing dissent, especially as there is often no video or photo evidence to support the accusations.
At the same time, human rights advocates emphasize: a 5,000 lari fine is 19 times higher than the subsistence minimum in Georgia. Many of those who received fines are unable to pay such amounts themselves.
Various charitable foundations helped those who could not financially afford to pay fines. However, on March 17, the accounts of several charitable organizations that had helped participants in pro-European protests were frozen. Among them were the foundation of journalist Nanuka Zhorzholiani, the human rights organization Human Rights House Tbilisi, and the foundation of former Prime Minister Nika Gilauri (Prosperity Georgia).
The Georgian Prosecutor’s Office stated: these organizations direct most of the collected funds to financially support individuals “accused of organizing and participating in group violence and their family members”, as well as to acquire necessary equipment and tools for committing these crimes.
However, the Social Justice Center of Georgia believes that freezing the accounts of funds that supported protesters and political prisoners aims to suppress the protest movement in the country and punish participants in the protests.
For now, the protests go on, but without an action plan they could fade away before achieving their goal
The fines and repressions have not yet succeeded in stopping the protests in Tbilisi. This civic street movement is currently the only force that seems capable to challenge the government. However, over the four months of protests, opponents of the authorities have yet to present a specific plan of further action.
The opposition, along with former president Salome Zourabichvili and the civil society, is preparing for a large protest planned on March 31. At this event Zourabichvili, is expected to unveil a new detailed plan for democratic changes in the country and the peaceful removal of the Georgian Dream from power.
Meanwhile, many activists say that old forms of protest no longer work and do not inconvenience the authorities. Precisely because of this, despite daily actions, they believe the protest wave may fade.
However, protests have a strong support in Georgia. According to a poll by the Institute of Social Research and Public Opinion Analysis, most Georgians believe the country is in a political crisis and blame the Georgian Dream for it. 67.1% consider Irakli Kobakhidze’s November 28, 2024 statement on suspending EU integration until 2028 unacceptable. Up to 60% of respondents support the ongoing protests in Georgia, and 45% of those surveyed are active supporters of the protest.
