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On September 9, 2024, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation published a comprehensive report on “the glorification of Nazism, the spread of neo-Nazism and other practices that contribute to the escalation of modern forms of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related expressions of intolerance”, signaled in several countries around the world, including Romania.
The report professes to continue the “efforts of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation” to fight extremism. The document claims to shed light on the “rabid Russophobia” that has become the West’s official policy designed to justify support for Ukraine, in the context of the “military operation aimed at demilitarizing and denazifying” this country. At the same time, the document protests the destruction of Soviet heritage and its own history, especially by Baltic States, Poland and Ukraine, which reportedly are knowingly falsify their past, in order to dwarf the “overwhelming” contribution of the Red Army in liberating Europe from Nazi occupation. Basically, under the guise of the fight for equality, in the purest propagandistic and manipulative style, all Moscow does is to accuse Western states of “jeopardizing the fundamental values of true democracy” represented by the Kremlin, while at the same time pledging to combat all the “racist and neo-colonial” practices the West wants to impose on the whole world, probably by invading other territories as well, in the unfortunate scenario of a Russian victory on the front in Ukraine.
Nevertheless, the list of analyzed states leaves out Moscow’s traditional allies, such as Belarus or Serbia, whereas Hungary, a country whose government pursues a foreign policy to Russia's liking and constantly fosters a chauvinistic and anti-Semitic discourse, is described as a country that “follows a consistent line of suppression of any kind of xenophobia, including the spread of Nazi ideology, anti-Semitism and any other forms of religious intolerance”.
Romania and the betrayal of the “noble ideals” of anti-Nazism
In the aforementioned document, Moscow states that the distortion of historical truth and the glorification of Nazism have become an official policy actively promoted by Bucharest authorities. The authors of the Russian report provide a telling example, invoking Romania's position in the UN General Assembly, when it voted against a resolution introduced by Russia on combating the glorification of Nazism, neo-Nazism and other forms of ideological extremism. In fact, Romania exercised its vote in accordance with the foreign policy of the European Union, an organization it is a member of, which explained that, although it condemns Nazism and any form of racism, xenophobia, discrimination and intolerance, it rejects that resolution because it represents only a false pretense under the guise of which “Russia has brought the horrors of war back to Europe, along with the reminder that peace cannot be taken for granted". Further expanding this argument, European diplomats strongly condemned “the abuse of the argument of the fight against Nazism” and rejected “the inaccurate and inappropriate use of the term 'denazification' by Russia to justify its inhumane, cruel and illegal war of aggression against Ukraine, the continued impacts of which are dire, not only for the people of Ukraine, but for people around the world”. The European Union stressed the fact that the fight against extremism and the condemnation of Nazism must not be misused and co-opted for politically motivated purposes that seek to excuse new violations and abuses of human rights. In fact, the resolution was finally adopted with an amendment (L.52), which inserted the following paragraph into the text: “[The General Assembly – e.n.] notes with alarm that the Russian Federation has sought to justify its territorial aggression against Ukraine on the purported basis of eliminating neo‑Nazism, and underlines that the pretextual use of neo-Nazism to justify territorial aggression seriously undermines genuine attempts to combat neo-Nazism”. Thus, in a both hilarious and ridiculous way, Russia accuses Romania of opposing a document that condemns its war against Ukraine.
Moscow points the finger at the Romanian nationalist movement, while fueling its revisionist discourse
The Russian Foreign Ministry report claims that, in Romania, “nationalist opinions, manifestations of anti-Semitism and other types of xenophobia are increasingly supported by society”, failing to mention that movements of this kind are almost fully coordinated by politicians and opinion leaders close to Moscow, sympathizers of Kremlin’s policies, advocates of Russian narratives about the evil plans of the collective West related to most of the topics that divide the whole world at present. The report on Nazism specifically mentions a number of such extremist figures or actions they undertook, but glosses over the overt support these figures have shown Russia, or the fact that they promote its narratives.
Perhaps the most vocal of all the Romanian “patriots” is the current MEP Diana Șoșoacă, a former member of the Romanian Senate, who has developed a habit of taking over and adapting the “sovereigntist” narratives of Russian origin that she actively circulates, including in her official position. For instance, in March 2023, she submitted a legislative proposal to the Romanian Parliament, requesting the annexation of several Ukrainian territories, which she considers to be illegally controlled by the neighboring state. Her proposal basically took over the Russian narrative about the artificial nature of Ukrainian statehood, promoted in Ukraine's neighboring countries, encouraging them to claim its territories, and used by Moscow to justify its own territorial claims. Furthermore, Diana Șoșoacă is known for her close relations with the Russian Embassy in Bucharest, which she frequently visits. Fostering a mix of conspiracy theories, fake news and disinformation narratives, the Romanian MEP tries to promote the idea that Russia poses no threat to Romania. At the same time, she claims that only thanks to her lobbying with the Russian Embassy was our country twice saved from Russian invasion.
Despite her strong nationalist, anti-Semitic and profoundly discriminatory remarks, which the Russian Federation criticizes, Diana Sosoacă was designated the political personality of the year 2021 by the Kremlin mouthpiece, Sputnik, and her statements were picked up by Russian media to justify Moscow's actions in Ukraine. What’s more, Diana Sosoacă was interviewed by Kremlin-linked media, where she freely expressed her anti-Western views, inspired by Russian propaganda.
Another champion of nationalist, chauvinistic and anti-Semitic ideology, who at the same time is bound by strong Russian affinities, is deputy Mihai Ioan Lasca, the president of the Patriots of the Romanian People party. In addition to promoting conspiracy theories strongly fueled by Russian propaganda with regard to the global cabal and the destruction of the Romanian nation, Mihai Ioan Lasca equally fosters several false narratives regarding the war in Ukraine. Among other things, he said that, “in recent years, I have never seen Russia doing us any harm, in contrast with the West. The WHO, the European Commission and Brussels, for instance, impose all kinds of measures which are very, very bad for us”.
Observing the same xenophobic, sexist and discriminatory vein, yet often praising Russia and its leader Vladimir Putin in his speeches, senator Sorin Lavric is a member of the Alliance for the Union of Romanians extremist party. Sorin Lavric described the Roma community as a “social scourge” and claimed that men “don’t look for cleverness, depth or lucidity in women”. At the same time, Lavric showcased his open support for Russia and its invasion of Ukraine, using his public profile to popularize toxic narratives echoing Putinist rhetoric: “It all comes down to who will emerge as the victor: Putin or the globalists. They want to destroy Christian nations and sovereign states and create a federal super-state with a single parliament, a single government, with a single president”. For this reason, in 2020, the Romanian Writers' Union expelled Sorin Lavric from its ranks and distanced itself from his “radical political statements”. In spite of that, the so-called “AUR’s ideologist” continued to spread deeply discriminatory messages in public media, stating that “women are at best objects of desire, not admiration”, at the same time advocating sovereigntist theses outsourced by Moscow, which state that “Romania is no longer a sovereign state, but a vassal in a state of humiliating dependence on Brussels and Washington”, expressing regret that “Romania does not have a nationalist and patriotic leader like the president of Russia, Vladimir Putin”.
Russia’s take on the Romanian army and Nazism
Russia claims Nazi sympathies having been building momentum in Romanian society, providing as argument in favor of its claim the example of a Romanian general who fought in World War II and who was honored this summer with a statue unveiled in Neamț County. Describing the event as a “blatant case of glorification of Nazism in Romania”, the Russian Foreign Ministry accuses Manoliu of having fought “on the side of Nazi Germany” and points to “Hitler's cross” displayed around his neck. In fact, the Russians are bothered by the fact that General Manoliu fought against the Soviet army. In 1941 he succeeded in liberating the territories of interwar northern Romania from Soviet occupation. For his achievements, the Germans indeed rewarded him with the Iron Cross, a military decoration in the Kingdom of Prussia, and later in Germany, which to this day remains in military use, being the official German decoration awarded to servicemen in wartime. What the Russian report fails to mention is that, with the insurrection of August 23, 1944, the troops led by the aforementioned General Manoliu played a crucial role in driving German troops away from Oltenia, southwest Romania.
A separate section of the report is devoted to Marshal Ion Antonescu, more specifically it condemns his alleged recognition as a hero in the eyes of the Romanian people. In fact, although in the last 34 years there have been several attempts to rehabilitate the former head of the Romanian state, they have never been confirmed at official level. Moreover, busts and monuments evoking Antonescu's personality have been removed, and the titles he acquired throughout his career have been withdrawn. Supporters of Ion Antonescu and his elevation to the rank of hero include Diana Șoșoacă and Sorin Lavric, who refer to the favorite stereotype of anti-Semitic and denialist rhetoric, according to which Antonescu allegedly saved the Jews of Romania. The list of Antonescu’s advocates equally includes radical, far-right groups, such as Honor et Patria, which was co-founded by George Simion, the president of AUR and the party’s candidate in this year's presidential election. George Simion remains persona non grata on the territories of Ukraine and the Republic of Moldova, which accuse him of having met an FSB agent on multiple occasions in Chernivtsi over 2011-2012.
Russia also falsely claims that Romania was convicted by the European Court of Human Rights for pardoning military officers originally convicted of crimes related to the Holocaust, when in fact they were convicted for failing to observe the rights of Holocaust survivors.
Neo-Legionnaire rhetoric backing Russia’s acts of aggression, taken out of context
Another target of Moscow’s criticism is the former Legionnaire movement in Romania, many of whose exponents are today considered martyrs by the Romanian far-right. One of the figures invoked in the Kremlin’s report is that of writer Mircea Vulcănescu, whose bust placed in a Bucharest park caused an outrage at the start of 2023. With the adoption of the law on combating anti-Semitism, Bucharest put up for public debate the elimination of several names of objectives and monuments that glorified people who were found guilty of genocide and war crimes. One name on this list was Mircea Vulcănescu, a former member of Antonescu's cabinet, who in 1946 was sentenced to 8 years in prison for war crimes. Although annulled in 2017 by the Bucharest Court of Law, the original sentence was upheld in 2019 under a Bucharest Court of Appeal ruling, thus confirming Vulcănescu's status as a war criminal and officially banning his public commemoration. Nevertheless, the statue of the former dignitary still stands today, due to the brutal and boisterous protests of Diana Sosoacă and other supporters of the Iron Guard and, not surprisingly, fierce advocates of Russia and its foreign policy. Among Vulcănescu's “champions” was AUR deputy Antonio Andrușceac, another mouthpiece of Russian narratives. In March 2022, a few days after the start of the Russian invasion, the AUR MP explained on public television that Russia alone is not responsible for the tense developments in the region, but NATO as well, adding that Romania and the North Atlantic Alliance should have been more receptive of “the Kremlin’s sensibilities”.
The report ignores Diana Șoșoacă's role in the scandal revolving Mircea Vulcănescu. It also glosses over the fact that any public statements made by extremists, even if part of them represent political parties that secured representation in Parliament, in no way represent the official position of the Romanian state.
In the same style of presenting truncated information, the report published by the Foreign Ministry of the Russian Federation claims that Romania is trying to understate the anti-Semitic background of certain Romanian personalities, such as poets Octavian Goga and Radu Gyr, or philosopher Petre Țuțea. In fact, however, the works of Octavian Goga have been removed from the school curriculum. The conviction of Radu Gyr for war crimes was also upheld in courts of law established after 1990, and the otherwise mediocre works of Petre Țuțea are invoked only marginally, with quotes taken out of context by sovereigntists and nostalgics of “bygone times, when Romania was the center of the universe”. There was, indeed, one time when Prime Minister Ciolacu started his speech with a quote from Țuțea, but that is part of a longer series of blunders in statements made by Romanian officials. Besides, Marcel Ciolacu’s statement was condemned by the majority of Romanian civil society.
Moscow’s only care in the world: Romania’s national minority groups
Citing “human rights activists” without giving any specific names, the Kremlin’s report in turn expresses concern for the situation of ethnic minorities in Romania, whose rights are allegedly encroached upon, or are reportedly observed to different degrees from one region of the country to the next. Defying absurdity, Russian propagandists claim that as many as 1,000 complaints against discriminatory treatment (infringing on the right to work or education, protection of honor, etc.) were filed by ethnic Romanians in 2023, and nearly 60 for discrimination based on ethnic criteria. Emulating and fueling the chauvinistic propaganda of Viktor Orban’s regime, the Kremlin's favorite European leader, Moscow claims that the rights of the Hungarian minority in Romania are systematically violated, citing the (perfectly legal, by the way) ban on performing the anthem of the so-called Szekler Land at official events or to display the flag of this unrecognized territory on administrative buildings alongside other official insignia. Another equally absurd complaint advanced by the Russian Foreign Ministry in its report concerns the alleged lack of access to education in the Hungarian language, in spite of reports published by Hungarian organizations on the territory of Romania, quoted by official media in Budapest, which show that, at the moment, the share of people carrying out their studies in the Hungarian language in Romania is higher than the share of ethnic Hungarians in Romania's population.
The information provided by Moscow is strongly at odds with the claims of supporters of Russian narratives at national level, according to which ethnic minorities enjoy more rights than Romanians, a fake news momentum that appears to have eluded Russia’s area of control. Once again, the most telling example is that of Diana Sosoacă, who is usually linked to typical allegations made by Russian diplomacy. Thus, as part of her fight for the rights of Romanians everywhere, Diana Sosoacă threatened Budapest, more or less openly, with a full-scale invasion. “We will once again put our sights on the Hungarian Parliament”, the Romanian MP thundered from the pulpit of the Romanian Parliament. Such hostile rhetoric, which, coincidentally or not, matches Russian propaganda, is overlooked in the report. Instead, the document mentions the fine received by president Iohannis (which was in the meantime revoked, a detail the report leaves out) from the National Council for Combating Discrimination, for accusing the Social-Democratic Party of selling Transylvania to Hungary.
How Russian propaganda capitalized on the drama of Ukrainian refugees
When building the narrative that states that Romania employs chauvinistic, xenophobic and deeply discriminatory state policies towards other ethnic groups, Russian propaganda references an incident that occurred in the North Railway Station in Bucharest in March 2022, when a group of Roma people that had fled the Russian bombings in Ukraine was initially denied humanitarian assistance, due to an overzealous security guard. In a highly cynical vein, the Russian Foreign Ministry accuses the authorities in Bucharest of maintaining the same discriminatory treatment towards refugees and asylum seekers, without mentioning the fact that the majority of refugees (who all enjoy legal rights on Romanian territory) who arrive in Romania are Ukrainians fleeing Russia’s atrocious acts of aggression.
Employing a language bordering ridicule, the report finally brings into discussion the invasion of Ukraine, brashly disguised as a “special military operation for the demilitarization and denazification of Ukraine and the protection of the civilian population of Donbas”, which allegedly determined Romania to resort to discrimination and violation of the rights of Russians ethnics and citizens. They have become targets of “systematic attacks and insults on social media”, the report claims, and face “individual manifestations of Russophobia and aggressive behavior” in their daily lives, although the document does not provide any evidence to support these claims. Moreover, evidence of Romania’s neo-Nazism can be purportedly found in the banking sector, which no longer accepts cards issued in Russia, while Russian companies had their accounts frozen and are thus unable to pay their employees. This is an obvious reference to the economic sanctions imposed on Russia by Western states for its unjustified aggression against Ukraine.
Moreover, Russia (a country that virtually eliminated the independent media from its territory) accuses Romania of “violating the right to freedom of opinion and expression”, because it blocked access to the propaganda platforms Sputnik and Russia Today. At the same time, the Russian Foreign Ministry criticizes the fate of the Kremlin's homegrown propagandists, who allegedly became “targets of fierce persecution and received threats on social networks”, again, without explaining what this persecution entailed. The report also makes a passing mention of the fines applied by the National Audiovisual Council to Realitatea Plus, Nașul and B1 television stations, as well as to Gold FM radio station, without mentioning the reasons that prompted this decision. Realitatea Plus, for instance, a TV station that frequently invites various advocates of pro-Russian and anti-Ukrainian rhetoric to express their views, was fined for “lack of neutrality and for making defamatory statements against Ukrainians” in April 2023, after the host of the show “The Sovereign Romania Caravan” (!!), Alexandra Păcuraru, stated that Romania should not provide assistance to Ukraine, claiming “it is not our war”.
How does Russia fare in terms of neo-Nazism?
The present article cannot end without providing a brief overview of Moscow's report on Russian neo-Nazism, which it omits to analyze. Vladimir Putin's regime has a long history of close collaboration with far-right organizations. While Russian diplomats condemn “fascists” in Western states and Russian bombs kill imaginary “Ukrainian Nazis”, the Russian Federation harbors and protects some of the most dangerous neo-Nazi organizations.
The origins of this collaboration date back to the late 1990s, when Russia was rocked by a wave of racist violence perpetrated by groups of neo-Nazis. With Putin’s rise to power in 2000, his regime took advantage of the situation, using the threat of far-right radicalism to justify the introduction of anti-extremism legislation that actually helped the Kremlin surveil, censor, and ultimately physically take out its opponents. Over the years, the neo-Nazi movement in Russia has been used by Putin’s regime to intimidate, torture and kill a number of the Kremlin’s critics. Meanwhile, Russian neo-Nazis also played an extremely important role in the first phase of the war against Ukraine, started in 2014 with the annexation of Crimea and the invasion of Donbas. As in the case of cybercrime groups, neo-Nazi groups are still tolerated in Russia, and some are even funded, encouraged and pushed towards taking radical actions bordering extremism.
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