Journalist of Belsat TV, analyst in the sphere of national security and defence. Specialises in information warfare, propaganda, psychological operations as well as in international politics. Studies the tactics of modern warfare.
Elections in Belarus were anything but free, with no opposition candidates or independent observers, and a government disinformation campaign designed to instill fear. The opposition managed, nonetheless, to get its message to at least part of the electorate, and in spite governmental efforts, turnout was lower than expected.
Hundreds of Belarusian companies support Russia's war effort, supplying it with, among other things, shells, drones, chassis for military vehicles, and components imported from the West.
A crisis in potatoes, which are a staple food in Belarus, is showing the failure of the economic model imposed by dictator Aleksandr Lukashenko.
Alexander Lukashenko’s looked frail and isolated at his 7th inauguration as Belarus president, consumed by old obsessions and leaning on his personal clan. The ceremony told more about the state of affairs in the regime than the dictator himself wanted it to.
Belarus has an ever increasing list of items deemed extremist, ranging from reasonable ones, like Hitler’s Mein Kampf, to rock songs that authorities see as being critical to Lukashenko’s regime.
Aleksandr Lukashenko won his seventh term as president with 86.82% of the vote and a turnout of 85.9%, results typical for dictatorial regimes. The figures were touted as proof of stability in Belarus, popular support for Lukashenko and tolerance of the opposition. However, the elections were neither free nor fair, but just a show that fooled no one.
A Minsk-based Orthodox Convent has been raising money for years to support Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Some of the money come from activities in EU countries.
On 5 December, Kremlin propaganda — represented by an entity with the telling name “The International public tribunal for the crimes of Ukrainian neo-Nazis” — released yet another batch of blatantly poorly fabricated stories by supposed “victims and eyewitnesses,” loudly packaged under the title “Crimes of the Kyiv regime against women and children.”
Any agreements with Moscow would be temporary: the aggressor would use a ceasefire to rebuild military strength in order to continue its expansionist actions — and not necessarily only in Ukraine.
Attention should also be paid to the fact that Kremlin propagandists confidently equate the concepts of “Nazism” and “Russophobia”.
Shifting responsibility for its own actions onto opponents has long been the Kremlin’s trademark.
Recently, Russian propagandists and officials have been increasingly vocal about the possible confiscation of Russian assets held in the “collective West”. And these comments are always followed by threats toward those countries — or by claims that their financial attractiveness is about to collapse. Through this narrative, the Kremlin is trying to put pressure on European politicians and civil society in an effort to avoid the irreversible loss of its funds.
Telegram founder Pavel Durov marked his 41st birthday by publishing a post on his channel dedicated to the threats to freedom of speech on the Internet.
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